Holocaust Memorial Day: Reflecting on the politics of antisemitism and how we can stop it

 

Wedding photo of my Jewish grandparents, Rita and Maurice (taken in 1962) who lived through the Holocaust and World War 2

This is probably going to be one of the most personal blog posts I have written (as regular readers would notice, I rarely write about myself and my own life) but I feel that it really needs to be as such for us to fully understand and reflect on the dire situation of continued conflict which ongoing settler colonial rule continues to divide and persecute us. This places vile imperialist and authoritative undertones on religion, which there should not be; it is in its pure form all about inclusivity and respect for others further bringing together and celebrating the richness of our diverse and evolving society. Although not being religious myself and resenting the individuals who have used religion to exploit and abuse influence, I strongly advocate religious freedom as a means of demonstrating the ideals I value, and feel a strong connection to the cultural heritage that comes from having a Jewish family and using this to further understand my beliefs. It is today on Holocaust Memorial Day that we should quietly reflect on this history. This is the point by which we must recognise that a true understanding and empathy for the suffering of those who have fallen victim to antisemitic abuse means recognition of the damage posed by exploitation and abuse of colonial and neocolonial influence on all levels so as not to consider anti-semitism as synonymous with antizionism (especially since Zionism is, in essence, what defeats the object of what is said in the Torah- Leviticus 25:23 “the land cannot be sold in it’s perpetuity for the land is mine” (I.e. only God’s thus making it wrong to colonise)- and to support Zionism would be to associate Jews with a corrupt and war-mongering genocidal state).

Equally, to further expand on this, we should also take a closer look into the beginning and evolution of anti-Semitism as a concept, and use this to come up with an effective solution for resolving it. In much discussion, it is primarily associated with the authoritarian hard right and fascist ideals that the Nazis supported, with this being the point at which it was at its peak and had the most significant future aftermath, fostering much xenophobia, racism and abuse during the decades that followed. However, this was far from when it started, and it would be wrong to assume that it effectively merely came to be because of fascistic sentiments rising in popularity. In fact, its origins can be traced back as far as the medieval times, when it was largely driven by economic issues. This is reflected on by Nathan Reich who, with reference to the Marxist economic theory considers antisemitism as being a response to the neglect of other issues leading to anger by the proletariat at this situation. Jews were considered as comparatively wealthier yet engaging in less hard labour than them, thus leading to this sense of resentment towards them by the Gentile population becoming prevalent. In fact, he even described this as 

“the expression of envy felt by the poor Gentile population for"Jewish" wealth; as the reflection of competition for jobs between Jewish and non-Jewish applicants; as the expression of resentment against the "undue" Jewish concentration in certain well-paid professions and important branches of trade”, especially considering that the Jews were seen as having comparatively less productive occupations (although thanks to their emancipation during the Industrial Revolution, they began to diversify their economic engagement) which were of reduced value (Reich, 1945). Moreover, another authoritative far-left perspective on the matter, would be the Stalinist form of antisemitism. Like Hitler, anti-Jewish sentiments were central to Stalins ideology with him also having planned a mass killing of all Jews. This largely related to his imperial ambitions for the Middle East and seeking to gain control of this region through the extermination of entire religious and ethnic communities that inhabited it (Szaynok, 2002).

Equally, it’s not just from authoritarian interests that antisemitic sentiment is evident. In fact, there is a very clear centrist and liberal emphasis on antisemitic ideas. This is through many on this region of the political spectrum demonstrating some degree of understanding of Zionist philosophy (Reich, 1945), although this antisemitism and developing of opinions on Zionism is also sometimes viewed as a very far left view, although coming from a slightly different standpoint with Israel being seen as a “Trojan horse for antisemitism” and that little is done to form the distinction between Zionism, Judaism and Israel with many having become used almost interchangeably within modern day political discourse (Cohen, 2004). 

With this basic grounding in mind as to what constitutes antisemitism and the varying individuals of differing political positions that have engaged with it, it can be seen that a recurring theme of ultranationalism and desire for colonial and imperial domination have been the core driving forces behind this line of thinking in the present day (therefore appearing to stray far from the initial economically induced hatred for Jews in the Middle Ages). 

With this in mind, it appears that a greater emphasis needs to be placed on reducing corruption and mitigating for the significant negative implications of war criminal activity, thus making greater international security and policing along with the strengthening of the rule of law to prove central in the resolution of antisemitism and the mitigation for existing issues which have stemmed from it. It is, therefore, important that we reform our understanding of the context behind it, seeing it not as a complex and multifaceted issue which has many socioeconomic and political dimensions to it, but for what it is in its crudest form as described here.

With this, I shall end by wishing solidarity and peace for all victims of antisemitic abuse and all living under exploitative settler colonial regimes. May we be united in our hopes for a better future and advancement in humanity.

               A memorial of those who died in the Holocaust at Magilligan Prison, Londonderry

Geopolitical observations of the historic and present day relations between the US and Latin America

You may have noticed I have been a bit quiet lately. I am back now with some more fire, which I am kicking off with this highly topical and important post.

With major geo strategic presence and longstanding ties to the main politically influential Western superpower nations assisted by historic imperialism and neocolonialism, much of Latin America has remained ripe for trade, investment and international relations, further fostering its rapid socioeconomic and political advancements which have accelerated over the course of the last century. However, this has not necessarily resulted in social progress and greater gains for the welfare of society collectively. In fact, it has arguably been the force for greater corruption, and the means by which war and conflict continue to flourish.

While the origins of this can be traced back to the 19th century and further accelerated by the conflict in interest regarding the needs of the population and the means by which the state of the nations can further develop its international influence and rise to the level of maturity that is evident in many of the core Western superpowers, it appears that the obvious tensions between the global north and the global south that is the main reason for these apparent failings. For instance, nine Latin American nations (Brazil, Bolivia, Guatemala, Haiti, Cuba, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama and Peru) were key founding members of the League of Nations. They, however, realised that this was more down to the fact that the power within the Americas is imbalanced and mainly concentrated within the US, as well as there being a very clear western emphasis placed upon the principles that the League of Nations operates by, in that European issues appeared to have taken centre stage in times of debate (Leonard, 2019). This can also be further reflected on through the apparent isolationist principles of the US with regard to their control of the Latin American region and the means by which they would consider relations with Europe having also appeared as important driving forces for further exacerbating tensions globally, and so acted as a hindrance to attempts to resolve conflict and mitigate against war. One can effectively observe this through the historic Monroe Doctrine comprised in 1823 by US president James Monroe as a means of "set(ting) forth the concept of a republican western hemisphere that was fundamentally different to the Old World", which functioned as a means of demonstrating the US sovereignty and colonial influence over Latin America, so as to effectively maintain their ability to own this region and use it to their own geopolitical advantage, and ensure that Europe cannot influence and engage with it.

During the First World War, Brazil was the only Latin American nation who actively participated int the conflict (which they did through a major campaign against submarines and the sending of support personnel to Europe)- the other Latin American nations, namely Brazil, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama declared War on Germany, while Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru chose to break their existing diplomatic relations with Berlin (Leonard, 2019). This would thus, not only prove to be important in illustrating their varying degrees of internationalism historically and the relevance of this to their relations with the US in the present time, but also provide an explanation for the way in which their relations with Europe became the way they are today, and how this influences their engagement with present day global conflicts. This can be seen through the recurring themes of further development and restoration of international relations through encouraging alliances to be formed with the western world, and for clearly evident internationalist priorities to have become evident so as to promote their advancement as more geopolitically influential nations. Therefore, Latin America's aims appear to mirror yet also somewhat act as the direct antithesis to the core interests of the US. This pattern continued on during the Second World War and through to the Cold War, this transition period appearing to be the point that acted as the beginning of "years of political and social upheaval" (Bethell and Roxborough, 1988). This could likely be attributed to the rising hegemonic influence of the nations, all of which having different views on the US, as a collective, and there having been particular growth in support for the revolutionary leftist and Marxist principles which still remain heavily ingrained within the society of the Latin America of today. The rise to a form of democracy, be that complete or partial, as well as sense of increasing liberalisation at the end of the second war proved to have acted as a catalyst for this change. Particularly notable reforms had become apparent for Cuba since their 1944 election in which Ramon Grau San Martin, who experienced a landslide victory against the comparatively more conservative candidate Fulgencio Batista who previously dominated their political landscape. A thirteen year dictatorship in Guatemala was also terminated, and the success of a popular revolution in Ecuador both took place that same year, and the liberalisation of the Estado Novo in Brazil began in 1945. Furthermore, unlike the US, when the Cold War took place, Latin America was comparatively uninvolved with it and was relegated as a region of low priority for the US, therefore providing them with limited incentive to actively engage them in conflict. This period also marked the beginning of many new intra-regional relations between nations within the Latin American continent, many of which still having their role in the supporting and assisting of the socioeconomic and political situation that they are in today, and in further establishing their international sovereignty (Connell-Smith, 1976). These dramatic gains had mainly become more apparent towards the end of the Cold War, with them appearing to have changed from something of "a pawn of the world powers", to there being "a new diplomatic climate" by the 1960s when the Cold War was largely "out of the way" for them (Parkinson, 1974). This period also appeared, however, to not have entirely been a point of comparative growth and stability for the relations between the US and Latin America in that tensions regarding the rising support for the new progressive communist ideals that conflicted with the US' principle ideals became apparent. This was observed with the Bay of Pigs invasion by which John F. Kennedy ordered troops to Cuba to overthrow Fidel Castro and lead to the election of a non-communist government friendly to the US. This plan failed after counterattacks from the Cuban military brigade, and after the Cuban missile crisis of 1962, the imprisoned members of the brigade were released and Operation Mongoose, another plan to destabilise the Cuban government and potentially assassinate Castro was put in place.

These principles still remain very much apparent today in relation to Trump's expansionist imperial agenda, and the key basis of the Monroe doctrine acts as a means by which he can justify his illegal imperially motivated use of warfare and military presence within Europe and Latin America, such as his activities in Venezuela. While these are criminal and unjustifiable acts against international law that have been carried out merely for the US's individual corrupt interests, this has remained a common theme over the centuries with the US's isolationist approach being used to further increase their power over other nations when engaging with their wars. Moreover, the overriding economic dimension of this is also very prevalent in that, as is also the case with his proposals for intervention in European nations, the resources that Venezuela is rich in such as oil and minerals have proved to act as a major incentive for Trump's imperial expansion. This would further appear to present the US's huge capitalist and consumer oriented interests as another primary means by which to gain influence, and a significant means of also effectively justifying environmental exploitation. When looking at this from an imperial lens as applied to Mackinder's Heartland theory, it could also be considered as a means of further expanding the core "heartland" (the region with the most geostrategic influence globally which was immune to - which, according to Mackinder in his 1904 work "The Geographical Pivot to History", consisted of the, at the time, main international superpowers of Russia and parts of Europe (Mackinder, 1904). He was famously quoted saying "whoever rules the heartland commands the world" (Naintarah, 2025). This would thus prove to clearly explain the interests of the US mainly regarding competing against other regions that are equally geopolitically and geostrategically influential, as well as their emphasis being on resources and land of value.

Propaganda, poison… and pants filled with tomatoes: the crazy happenings at Stalin’s dinner parties

 

                                                                Me vs Stalin dining

A man fond of overconsumption of expensive food and alcohol, Stalin was known for his memorable (and rather shocking) feasts which did more than just entertain; an abundance of food in opulent surroundings was a display of decadence, power and authority- proving to act as a valuable means of demonstrating his political influence. This would be further exemplified through his playing of propaganda films (these having been accessed from Goebbels’ library) to enlighten and entertain the guests.

Traditional and simple Eastern European dishes but made in excessive quantities and using high value ingredients rarely accessible to the masses were eaten. These included a variety of cold appetisers (known as zakuski)  consisting of caviar, cold salmon, and pickled meats and vegetables, to be followed by rich meat stews (notably one made from a two week old young lamb), suckling pigs, roasted geese, grouse and turkeys, and various side dishes such as porcini mushrooms in soured cream and asparagus mousseline. A array of desserts followed. Strategically positioned amidst these would have been multiple bottles of various forms of alcohol (various semi-sweet medium-dry Georgian wines including Khvanchkara and Kindzmarauli he favoured, Starka, vodkas and cognac). These made for a very un-proletarian banquet scene.

The drinking was what took centre stage and made the dinner parties what they were with many cruel games and tricks being played on the attendees (especially those who were already too drunk). To exclude oneself from these alcoholic activities was something met with as much anger as declaring oneself a Trotskyist. However, ironic though it seems, Stalin had a very low tolerance of alcohol considering his various health issues, height and lifestyle. He also appeared to find social events, particularly those that had political and ideological dimension, stressful and relied on alcohol to, as put by Mark Schrad in his book Vodka Politics, “keep his inner circle in balance” as well as perhaps increase his intimidating influence and make him look stronger. We can thus effectively reflect on the resemblance of Stalin to the typical caricature of a Russian man drinking vodka; with the Russian people during the Soviet era struggling greatly with alcoholism (consuming on average 8 gallons per person per year of pure alcohol, compared with the US average of 4 gallons per person per year) has a means of escape from concerns financially and socially, and finding pleasure in a bleak life full of constant fear of persecution. The alcohol that many Russians would have consumed during this period would have been fairly cheap to access, and often produced economically at home. This was during the major appropriation of farmland and grain production that took place in the 1920s after Stalin’s mass appropriation of agriculture leading to the starvation of millions of people. As a result of purely Stalin’s dinner parties, in fact, several of his fellow dictators including Khruschev and Beria also became alcoholics.

These parties were said to offer “clandestine means of coaxing of those in the dictator’s inner circle to reveal themselves and others” such as through repeated toasts praising the dictator in rapid succession of shots of vodka, in which failing to finish one’s shot would lead to punishment by forcing more alcohol on them. This gave him a lot of pleasure. Another of these games that Stalin enjoyed featured participants guessing the air temperature outside and being forced to down a shot for every degree above or below the correct value. Fear to impress the tyrant and constant pressure to praise him resulted in drastic actions being taken. For instance, knowing of Stalin’s hatred for Khrushchev and not wishing to pass up on any opportunity to impress him, guests would place rotten tomatoes on Khruschev’s seat (and Stalin would place them directly into his suit!). Often this backfired and random guests would have their pants soiled with these tomatoes, much to Stalin’s humour.

For this, dear comrades, I wish you solidarity and peace for this festive season. May we be united in our hopes for a revolutionary new year and enjoy drinking, partying and having fun (although hopefully we won’t end up like Stalin’s comrades).

Syndicalism: Is revolution through unionisation desirable or practical?

One typically views a union as a group of unified masses of all different ages, backgrounds and occupations all standing together on a picket line much like the image above of members of Unite in the UK mobilised in London. All sexes, political orientations and cultures choose to mobilise this way. At first glance, it seems like the ultimate display of unity and collective society and the ultimate means by which a true community-led revolution can succeed. It can even, perhaps, be seen by some as a parallel or potential alternative to state centralisation of political power, and instrumental in the formation of a proletarian-led anarchy. However, it is also through this means of mobilisation that the state can further flourish as can other vanguardist and authoritative means of accumulation of power and resources amongst the masses, as well as equally appearing to further promote alternative pseudo-fascist authoritarian right wing ideology (the AFL CIO is an example of this, as were many unionist Falangist movements). Moreover, the wide and all-encompassing nature of many unions giving representation of multiple political groups of varying positions on the political spectrum would mean that they would have limited core motives to stand for, and so would be unlikely to drive the state to bring about any real political change once they have succeeded in gaining influence.

While skilled artisans of a specific trade may value specific forms of craft unions as a means of gaining support and unity with other individuals of this trade so as to preserve it and agitate for improved pay, conditions and support within the workplace, unions can also be instrumental in assisting the mobilisation low-skilled blue collar workers (who could have very clear working class values on any part of the political spectrum). This can be observed when referring Jeff Schurke's idea of a "blue collar empire". With this it would be seen that unions would be heavily instrumental in promoting a sense of solidarity within these communities of workers in the US during the Soviet era in fighting against the supposed threat of communism and its potential influence on them. This threat would be minimised through the boycotting of any Soviet trade unions and the formation of their own separate alternative as in the AFL-CIO. The view was that these far left unions would function as “totalitarian governments enslaving their people” and rivals to Nazi leadership, if anything, the Nazis appearing to have been somewhat more moderate with regard to their methods and organisation. The first right wing AFL-CIO unions were major advocates of traditional society and preservation of the existing economic conditions, thus making them direct polar opposites to the more progressive rank-and-file systems that the unions on the far-left favoured, in which agitation against the bureaucracy through greater emphasis on the general public and grassroots interests were seen as core values in dismantling existing economic conditions and striving for change within the workplace. The far-right unions also appeared to be a lot more sectarian and motivated by organisation in relation to the specific hard to replace crafts and skills one had so as to make them appear as such, as opposed to supporting more collective industrial action through mobilisation of the proletariat as with the more left-wing unions. Craft unions, however, also could potentially be seen to remain quite popular in principle from a socialist perspective, in that there is opposition to the key capitalist of the mechanisation of industry (which would prove to increase efficiency and productivity, as well as reduce the cost of the production- with the workforce being reduced in size and paid less). A craft is essentially a skill that requires use of the hands and that cannot be mechanised. Because of this, it would be considerably more labour intensive and less economical to supply for growing economic demands than mechanisation and modernisation of industry if this was preserved as a substantial part of the economy. It can thus be seen that there are two similar attitudes in favour of craft unionisation, although with different methods and reasoning behind them, on both the left and the right wing.

However, although appearing very much contradictory to the leftist ideology and core principles, the far-right Falangist movement in Spain during the 1930s adopted some strikingly similar positions on the matter to the left. They appeared to show strong disapproval of the changes in industry under capitalism, seeing that it “disregards the needs of the people, dehumanises private property and transforms the workers into shapeless masses that are prone to misery and disrepair”. With this, clear parallels to the Marxist ideology are apparent, as are other socialist principles in relation to social restructuring, addressing rural inequalities, and improving wealth distribution for the net benefit of society, in Jose Antonio Primo de Riveras’ 1934 manifesto. An anti-vanguard sentiment can also be noted here, with class struggle being seen as something that needs to be abolished, and the operation of the proposed syndicalist aims not relating to the comparative strength and stability of the individuals of whom the Spanish proletariat consisted, intending to reduce infighting and develop greater cooperation and collaboration amongst the workers. Advocacy for unity and bringing together all unions, as one would see with national federations of unions, is the preferred means of addressing this, seemingly going against the sectarian nature of many other unions globally. However, this and the forms of unionism that developed from these principles appeared to present nationalism as the main priority and reasoning behind them, so as to use the economic and social power they have accrued to their benefit, increasing their prominence in Europe and developing their influence as an imperial power. Similarly, these principles were also applied to the advocacy for the Spanish Armed Forces and military establishment of the time, so as to protect their political sovereignty and territorial integrity.

With this in mind, whilst it can be seen that, superficially, all unions are homogeneous in nature and focus on emancipation of workers and restructuring of society based off of anti-sectarian and socialist principles, it is clear that this is far from the truth, and not a purely leftist position to take. It is because of this sheer breadth of demographics, political leanings and ideologies associated with the unions, very little can be seen to suggest potential change to society (not to mention greater division and conflict in interest amongst individual unionised workers). This would present the syndicalist movement as an ironically very sectarian approach and a breeding ground for internal conflict and infighting amongst those involved. This is along with the huge potential for vanguardist sentiments to arise through this, undermining the democratic and socially oriented motives of unionisation.

https://spartacus-educational.com/SPfalange.htm#:~:text=6.,Cortes%20as%20we%20know%20it.

Schurke, J., (2024). Blue Collar Empire: The Untold Story of US Labour’s Global Anticommunist Crusade. Verso Books. DOI: https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=5ZAgEQAAQBAJ&pg=PA1910&source=gbs_toc_r&cad=2#v=onepage&q&f=false

China’s cultural revolution: A period of growth or an advocacy for continuity?

Set about with Mao Zedong’s promise to the public of achieving “all this and heaven too” in what would supposedly appear as a brief yet transformative period in which a renaissance in cultural and social thought could be accomplished, one may consider the cultural revolution as a process somewhat akin to the proposal of a permanent revolution. However, this would appear to be a rather superficial perspective on the matter that clearly lacks nuance. This would be due to the ironically more socially conservative elements of the approaches advocated by Mao’s government which had proven to put emphasis on traditional Chinese values and models for society which revolved around the preservation of the existing power structures that acted as the basis of the existing issues regarding class struggle, lack of individual and collective liberty, and wealth and power being concentrated amongst the elites. This also appears to go hand in hand with the strong sense of resistance by the proletariat during this period, along with the widespread campaigns for liberation which were practiced by many Chinese working class women.

When reflecting on the global political situation at the time of Mao’s cultural revolution, it is clear to note that this was at the time in which the Soviet Union was at its peak. This would have proven to act as a significant opposition and source of conflict and rivalry between the East and the West, thus being a hindrance to the development of a permanent international socialist revolution. This may also, in part, act as an explanation for the emphasis Mao placed on militarist development so as to effectively respond to this potential threat, as well as his imperialist interests and desire to be the supreme ruler to which all the main political power is centralised. As observed here, the foundations of a capitalist post colonial society ruled by classist ideals are preserved, and Mao can thus be quoted claiming to act as “the unquestioned and absolute monarch of all he surveyed”.

Equally, when looking at the cultural revolution from a social standpoint, it appears that traditional values were still very much fundamental in the operation of Chinese society during this period thus leading to much uprising and protest particularly by women and other marginalised groups, with it also being known that limited progress was made regarding understanding of sexuality. This situation arguably appeared to have worsened with sexual repression having become increasingly extreme and with limited means by which one could act against this, in spite of the widespread protesting by the repressed. Subservience to the bourgeoisie who appeared to present as the exact representation of the traditional family oriented model of society, as well as actively engaging in the repressive behaviours including “aversion to sexual deviance”, engagement in illicit and inappropriate sexual activities, as well as the manipulation and representation of sexuality through performance arts, namely opera. This can be reflected through Chen Kaige’s Palm D’Or film “Farewell My Concubine” in which, through themes of prostitution, masculinity, sexual repression, and suicide, this sentiment can be observed. These themes are applied to the conflicted nature of this society caused by the division between the more progressive and liberal attitudes, with the socially conservative attitudes, these being portrayed through the personalities of young actors Dieyi and Xiaolou (who would take on roles with clearly conflicting characteristics based off the traditional ideals on gender, with Dieyi taking on female roles and having his body manipulated so as to further suit these). Jinxian, the woman who Xiaolou eventually marries putting an end to his initial homosexual relationship with Dieyi, is very obviously looked down upon by much of the more conservative society and lives with the shame that comes for being engaged in prostitution. This eventually led to her suicide due fear and powerlessness, not only as a woman who has experienced exploitation and repression as a member of the supposedly weaker sex, but as a prostitute who merely used male exploitation of these attributes to support her livelihood. Her suicide could perhaps be seen as an act of submission to these ideas, further symbolising the repression she had to endure, appearing as a means of getting peace and freedom from the rigidity of these norms.

When linking back to the socioeconomic dimension of the advancements in society under Mao’s rule, it can be seen to potentially appear that only the most socially and economically influential members of the proletariat would be able to effectively advance in society, with this advancement being very much merely about gaining status within the existing class-led hierarchical system; the peak of liberty and general aim of the proletariat would be to ultimately become bourgeois.

Chen, P., (2024). Farewell My Concubine: All the World’s a Stage. Published in Criterion(23/7/2024). https://www.criterion.com/current/posts/8546-farewell-my-concubine-all-the-world-s-a-stage

Deshpande, G.P., (1966). China’s Great Cultural Revolution. Published in Economic and Political Weekly (October 29, 1966). 1(11). pp. 453-455. DOI: 4357141

Eggert, B., (2022). Farewell My Concubine. Published in Deep Focus Review (24/4/2022). https://www.deepfocusreview.com/definitives/farewell-my-concubine/

Rose, C., (1993). Chen Kaige (18/10/1993). https://charlierose.com/videos/8619

n.d. An Interview with Chen Kaige. https://ray.com.hk/tomson/interview.html

Singh, V.B., (1968). China’s Cultural Revolution. Published in The Indian Journal of Political Science 29(4) pp. 329-334. DOI: 41854291

Tu, X., and Wei, X., (2024). Politicized Sex Repression and Fascination in The

Chinese Cultural Revolution. Published in Journal of Interdisciplinary Cultural Studies. DOI: 10.29329/almamater.2024.1053.3

Marxism in a Day: A review

I visited London today to go to Marxism in a day. A smaller conference than the annual Marxism festival and organised by the SWP in Birkbeck University, it featured talks by several prominent activists both from and outside of the SWP (including Wayman Bennet, Geoff Brown, Paul Holborrow, Alex Callinicos and Joseph Choonara), it acted as a pleasant space by which people of many age groups could discuss and gain insight into various pressing political topics alongside a very knowledgeable panel, to which our involvement was highly appreciated. 

The conference was opened with with excellent talks by Professor Alex Callinicos and SWP activist Katie Coles on the ever growing importance of Marxism in today’s society, and its evolution in its application economics and political sciences over time. This was then followed by Yuri Prasad’s talk on the need for revolution in understanding and fighting against racism, which inspired a lot of discussion. It was through listening to this that I began to really take in the sheer absurdity of the extent by which society remains so heavily divided by ridiculous social constructs of gender and race, that political differences, class struggle, and things that truly matter appear to be viewed as merely trivial matters that are hugely overshadowed. Some interesting points were also raised about unionisation and whether this was really the major revolutionary solution that many view it as in relation to these issues.

After breaking for lunch and having a discussion with the specific student wing of the SWP (in which, along with my Portsmouth comrades I was there with, I heard from many others about their recent activism), we reconvened to hear from the founders of the Anti-Nazi League. I particularly enjoyed listening to Wayman Bennett’s commentary on the defeat of the far right in London during the National Front’s formative years, and found his story telling style and use of humour relating back to today’s situation to be engaging, and exactly the way to motivate us and give us hope for the future revolution. 

As I left the university lecture hall after the final plenary and the closing words, this was exactly what I was feeling: truly inspired and filled with hope for my generation (who were the majority of the audience) to bring about change. Events such as this are hugely important for, not only educating and encouraging others to strive to improve society, but to allow more modern and up to date perspectives on Marxism to be understood, bringing the theory to life and increasing its accessibility. Because of this, I would highly recommend them to both the politically knowledgeable and those just beginning to develop their understanding. I also felt that this one being held in a university as opposed to a conference venue to be a very nice touch which perfectly added to this sentiment.

Perceptive analysis of the application of Tolstoyist ethics to the dialect of pacifist anarchism

In its crude sense when used in colloquial dialect, anarchism is regarded as the operation of a society without the presence of a state or alternative political vanguard to enforce law and govern the people, often being synonymous with chaos and connoted with political violence. It is also clear to note that little is done to distinguish the similarly rooted yet subtly differing ideas of anarchism and anarchy, with the latter being more widely used in quotidian discussion, relating more to a state of disorder and limited organisation of society. However, what is often disregarded is that anarchism and anarchy can often exist in more implicit forms that do not necessarily feature use of force, direct action and political violence so as to achieve revolutionary aims and reconstitute existing models of society (Christoyannopoulos, 2024). It can instead take on a more pacifist appearance. As described in Henry David Thoreau's Theory of Civil Disobedience, an approach similar to what is often referred to as anarcho-pacifism, can be seen as the ultimate means of achieving individual and collective liberty within a society governed by the people. The present role of the state "in the formation, a contract between the governors and the governed is entered into - the governors to protect the life, property, liberty and provide basic necessities of life and conducive environment for the wellbeing of the governed who in turn submit to and obey the laws promulgated for the general good" is considered, with anarchy in is supposedly chaotic form seen as something to be disapproved of considering the disparaging of the state as a form of civil disobedience, by which their role to "protect the life, property, liberty and provide basic necessities of life and conducive environment" is clearly disparaged (Thoreau, 1849). This sentiment, however, appears to arguably more effectively represent a form of community orientated anti-establishment libertarianism, as opposed to social anarchy. Equally, it must also be noted that chaos and disorder along with the failed use of direct can prove to remain equally prevalent in societies with strong governments and concentration of political and economic influence amongst a select group of individuals as observed here, which would thus go against many common perceptions of support and participation in anarchist activities. Therefore, it is through critical analysis of philosophies centred around social justice and the bringing about of peace so as to revolutionise society, such as those of individuals such as Leo Tolstoy, that one can understand the merits of anarcho-pacifism and how social anarchy can potentially be achieved through comparatively peaceful means. This is what this article intends to observe, as well as the supposed flaws with these methods.

Leo Tolstoy, a Russian novelist widely regarded for his religious theory- by which, as well as demonstrating a passionate distaste for the Orthodox Church and the clearly evident hierarchical system amongst the clergy traditionally, he considered Christianity as a doctrine for ethical and moral teaching, favouring an end to state and public-led political violence and social inequality- proved to act as an important figure in the development of many anarcho-pacifist philosophies. He uses this religious rhetoric to rationalise the idea that, if there was no God, love and reason should be one’s greatest qualities and so vilify nihilism, disrespect for others, and violence. One can make reference to his 1900 work On Anarchy in which he also presents something of a form of admiration for the motives of many anarchists (Tolstoy, 1900). He asserts this linking back to his emphasis on the importance of rationality in peacefully achieving revolution when he is quoted:

“(one) must submit to them your other inclinations, and not let them submit to your animal nature — to the cares about the commodities of life, to the fear of annoyance and material calamities”.

However, a reason in which Tolstoy’s principles may perhaps be ridiculed by anarchists and considered as supposedly counterintuitive, is that while he shows sympathy and admiration for the motives of revolution and feels that it would potentially be positive as a means of achieving his personal humanitarian aims, he doesn’t mention any specific methods of achieving this except for purely through the will of God and the strength of one’s inner self. This would thus mean he puts oneself and their development above the advancement of humanity and thus relatively speaking not prove to have such a great net influence on revolutionising society as a whole. This can be clearly observed through his claim that nobody knows whether revolution will take place and that this is purely determined by how well one has regenerated themself in the process. Also, in relation to his view of anarchy being derived from the sentiments of many progressive religious groups, how far these principles can be considered as truly anarchic is also something that some would question, seeing as historically a lot of these Christians had been reluctant to label themselves using the term anarchists (Barclay, 2009).

Overall, while much dispute can be had as to what constitutes anarchism and anarchy, and more pacifist and morally driven theories on the subject may perhaps be seen as overly idealistic and not revolutionary enough on a larger scale, it is clear that they can still somewhat effectively function in conjunction with pacifism. The idea of all anarchy being violent and relying on direct action can thus be disproven, and the ethics and philosophies of individuals such as Tolstoy can very much be seen as having their place in the advancement of understanding of social anarchy. His works, although also raising other questions as to what constitutes anarchy, provide effective nuance to this and further redefine revolution, perhaps appearing to act as the point of intersection of libertarian and liberal values with revolutionary aims directed at developing oneself on a personal level to respond to and initiate social change.

Barclay, H,  2009. Anarcho-pacifism. Published in The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest. DOI: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/9781405198073.wbierp1663

Christoyannopoulos, A, 2024. Mapping the Landscape Between Pacifism and Anarchism: Accusations, Rejoinders and Mutual Resonances. Published in British Journal of Politics and International Relations. 27(1). pp. 407-429. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/13691481241257806%0D%0AThe%20British%20Journal%20of%20Politics%20and%20%0D%0AInternational%20Relations%0D%0A2025,%20Vol.%2027(1)%20407%E2%80%93429%0D%0A%C2%A9%20The%20Author(s)%20

Thoreau, H.D., (1849). Essay on Civil Disobedience. DOI: https://users.manchester.edu/Facstaff/SSNaragon/Online/texts/201/Thoreau,%20CivilDisobedience.pdf.

Tolstoy, L, 1900. On Anarchy. Published by The Anarchist Library. Source retrieved from http://tolstoyandpeace.wordpress.com/tolstoy-on-non-violence/on-anarchy-1900/. DOI: https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/leo-tolstoy-on-anarchy