What constitutes a nation is a question with many definitive answers, all of which being heavily influenced by socioeconomic development, position and integration into world systems, and level of superpower status, not to mention the countless other more culturally ingrained practises that define one's national identity and the social and cultural significance of this globally, arguably presenting one's status as a nation state as considerably more nuanced than merely being defined by their individual international sovereignty and self governance on a global scale, and how this affects their integration and cooperation in international agreements. It is through linking this back on my perspective as an internationalist that I will argue whether the existence of these nation states in question is entirely problematic in all respects, and whether abolishing them is likely to effectively bring about the freedom and diplomacy that it sets about to facilitate, or if this can purely be done through redefining and re-evaluating the flaws with the solely physical and geographical factors which are set about to establish borders, and that create the problematically polarising geostrategically defined view as to what constitutes nation states (arguably the part that causes the most dispute globally).The beginnings of this line of thinking gaining prevalence in political discourse can be traced to Proudhon's understanding of federalism, in which he advocates for the establishment of a sense of international sovereignty which is developed through means other than the popular proposals of nationalism of the time. The main aims of many nationalist nations were to increase their own individual superpower status and facilitate growth on a national scale, providing conditions ripe to further encourage future colonial and neo-colonial expropriation of land by to further their security. This strongly contrasts with Proudhon's ideas on federalism which were built off of an emphasis on the preservation of national identity and the reunification of individuals in a shared cultural heritage, so as to advocate for the needs of minority groups. This, therefore, would prove to be fundamental in reducing further conflicts and bringing about global peace and stability. With regard to past instances of centralisation, so as to strengthen individual autonomy and freedom within global spheres of influence alongside maintaining autocracy, it can be seen that the complete opposite to the federalism that Proudhon advocated for was in place. A key example of this is the French Revolution in which Napoleon aimed to have centralised autocratic power led by individual municipal leaders (Kong, 2025). This only served to instigate something of a conflict in interests regarding peaceful democratization and the returning of power back to the people, and the maintaining of control primarily in the hands of the leading autocrats in question. As a result, it can potentially be seen that nation states have become structures defined increasingly by illusions of power as opposed to national identity and culture, thus making many revolutionaries' perspectives on them highly negative, and creating a sense of hopelessness in relation to potential redefinition and reconstruction of the concept of nation states which Proudhon envisages.
When assessing the case for a borderless world and the influence this will have on the prevalence of nation states, it is important to detract oneself from the overriding abstraction between the physical and geostrategic situation by which borders and trade routes are established on the basis of, and the political concept of nations influenced by these borders. This is what is often instilled into political discourse to alienate individuals based off of culture and nationality, as well as assist the imperial and neo-colonial practises previously outlined. It is for these reasons that Proudhon aspired to promote economic unity and freedom for all nations through republican socialism, this being achieved through complete erasure of the elements of a bureaucratic economic system which served to repress the influence of individuals, and see international collaboration through collective liberty as merely reducing players from their own individualist agenda (Proudhon, 1851). It is because of this that an ongoing internationalised revolution serving all people and valuing them as a collective that peaceful diplomacy can be supported, thus rejecting ideas of individually motivated nationalism and demonstrating a need for borders to be removed, and not considered as a factor to influencing sovereignty, or demeaning individual cultural and political identities that this is built upon. This would also, most likely, prove to make exploitation and expropriation of land and resources for individual aims less straightforward and practical, proving to be a major means of reconsidering what effectively constitutes the true aims of diplomacy and international interconnectivity.
Moreover, common themes of relations between the economy, the proletariat and the means of production with regard to a society led by diplomatic international cooperation appear to also be observed in Proudhon's work The State. This features a social anarchist analysis of the internal physiognomy of the social constitution of his era in French politics, and whether redefining of the concept of the state, both on a national and an international level would influence this. This is done through his observation of common attitudes of many libertarian socialists on the state merely functioning as a means of oppression and exercise of mass compliance under the authoritative power of the bourgeois under a failing capitalist system, this only able to be reversed through democratic socialism led by the people from a grassroots level.
Louis Le Blanc effectively substantiates this sentiment through his understanding of the successes and failures of varying forms by which these conditions take, linking back on the principles that the neo-colonial expansionist and imperially motivated means by which many authoritarian superpowers of the time operated on so as to support popular perceptions of what constitutes a nation state. It is Proudhon who in agreement quotes his definition of the state:
“The State, under monarchical rule, is the power of one man, the tyranny of a single individual.
“The State, under oligarchical rule, is the power of a small number of men, the tyranny of a few.
“The State, under aristocratic rule, is the power of a class, the tyranny of many.
“The State, under anarchical rule is the power of the first comer who happens to be the most intelligent and the strongest; it is the tyranny of chaos.
“The State, under democratic rule, is the power of all the people, served by their elect, it is the reign of liberty.”
It is clear to see that Le Blanc's ideas on the fundamental principles of diplomacy lie within the people themselves and their ability to effectively collaborate within society to support each others' collective interests, these extending to the interests of others on an international level. It is through this that the emphasis is placed on the value of the state as, rather than a representation of authority, but by which to demonstrate responsibility and support for the welfare of the people, thus proving to be influential in preserving means of maintaining democracy. This would be fulfilled through the fundamental communitarian principles by which Proudhon has built much of his individual political philosophy upon. As he has very effectively put it, the state is merely the "EXTERNAL means of social constitution". This places the emphasis on the idea that the state's own influence and the role of this in maintaining of patterns of power is mutually exclusive and directly related to that of the people, with isolationist and individualist principles being clearly counter-revolutionary and going against key intentions described (Proudhon, 1849). This can potentially, in turn, also have positive knock on effects on the cultural identity of a society through advocating for the values of individual communities, helping for them to share in their collective humanity and common interests, these being hugely important in supporting diversity and good relations between all citizens globally, also helping to maintain peaceful and diplomatic resolution of potential global conflicts. Because of this, overall, from Proudhon's perspective, nation states should not be abolished, but abuse and exploitation of superpower influence, the divisive and polarising properties of nationalism, and overruling colonial and neo-colonial agenda should instead be reduced, making way for their redefinition in a more culturally and humanitarian orientated way to provide for a more peaceful and diplomatic global society.
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